LatinaLista — For the first time, the National Trust for Historic Preservation recognized a site in Puerto Rico for inclusion in their annual list of endangered historic places. San José Church in Old San Juan, Puerto Rico was included in this year’s round-up of America’s 11 Most Endangered Historic Places.

Built in 1532, it is the second oldest church in the Americas and one of an elite group of surviving examples of 16th century Spanish Gothic architecture in the Western Hemisphere. It’s been closed for 13 years and is suffering from severe deterioration and structural damage issues — all problems that make it an ideal candidate for historic preservation recognition.

Preservation of the church has been underway with a coalition of community organizations and individuals, like actor Benicio del Toro, banding together to save one of the last surviving links to early colonial history of the New World. “Patronato de Monumentos de San Juan, a nonprofit organization in charge of the restoration effort, is committed to doing authentic restoration, including the use of original materials and techniques.”

However, it will take a lot of money to preserve Old San Juan’s San José Church in its original style — something that might be a little easier now because of its inclusion on the endangered list of historic places.

“Being included on the list helps put the church on a national platform by exposing it to top bloggers and journalists in the U.S.,” wrote Virgil McDill, associate director of Public Affairs at the National Trust for Historic Preservation, in an email to Latina Lista. “Everyone in San Juan is already quite well aware of the restoration efforts of the church and why it’s important to save. In order for the church to get the funding it needs to continue the restoration efforts it needs to raise awareness on a national level. The National Trust for Historic Preservation is a well-established organization that many historic places and sites look up to for help because of its many resources.”

Once a site is featured on the list, it’s there for life even if it eventually falls beyond restoration efforts. In that case, the Trust for Historic Preservation updates their list reflecting the site’s status.

Joining San José Church on the list of the 11 Most Endangered Historic Places for 2013 are:

Abyssinian Meeting House – Portland, Maine. The Meeting House was the spiritual center of life for generations of African Americans in Portland, but it needs an influx of funding to keep that story alive for generations to come.

Astrodome – Houston, Texas. As the world’s first domed indoor, air conditioned stadium, the 18-story multi-purpose Houston Astrodome was once dubbed the “Eighth Wonder of the World” but now needs a viable reuse plan to avoid demolition.

Chinatown House – Rancho Cucamonga, Calif. Once a general store and residence for a community of approximately fifty Chinese American laborers, the house is one of last remaining tangible connections to the history of the Chinese American community that helped build modern-day Rancho Cucamonga.

Gay Head Lighthouse – Aquinnah, Mass. The first lighthouse built on Martha’s Vineyard, Gay Head Lighthouse is in immediate danger of toppling over the edge of the Gay Head Cliffs, a consequence of a century of erosion and the direct impact of climate change.

Historic Rural Schoolhouses of Montana – Statewide. Montana boasts more historic one- and two-room schoolhouses still in use than any other state, but these schools are at risk as the state’s population shifts to urban centers

James River – James City County, Va. Jamestown, America’s first permanent English settlement, was founded along the banks of the James River in 1607. The river and landscape are threatened by a proposed transmission line project that would compromise the scenic integrity of this historic area.

Kake Cannery – Kake, Alaska. Kake Cannery played a key role in the development of the Alaskan salmon-canning industry during the first half of the 20th century, but immediate action is needed to stabilize the structural systems of the existing buildings.

Mountain View Black Officers’ Club – Fort Huachuca, Ariz. One of the most significant examples of a military service club in the United States built specifically for African-American officers, the Mountain View Black Officer’s Club faces demolition by the U.S. Army, which has blocked efforts to list the property in the National Register of Historic Places.

San Jose Church – Old San Juan, Puerto Rico. Built in 1532, San Jose Church is one of the few remaining Spanish Gothic architecture structures in the Western Hemisphere. Empty for 13 years, it is threatened by deterioration and structural damage

Village of Mariemont – Cincinnati, Ohio. The Village of Mariemont has been an inspiration for a generation of planners, but it is now threatened by a proposed transportation project, which would permanently scar the careful designs that make this place so unique.

Worldport Terminal at JFK Airport – Jamaica, New York. The distinctive flying-saucer-shaped Worldport Terminal at New York’s JFK Airport has been a symbol of the Jet Age since it first opened in 1960, but now sits empty and unused, waiting for a creative reuse plan.

By Nancy Landa
Mundo Citizen

I sit still on the chair in the main office lobby waiting to be called in for my job interview. I do my best to maintain a calm and collected demeanor, reminding myself that I am usually good at this sort of thing. I tend to be fully prepared to answer the typical questions you are asked during an interview: Tell me about yourself? What are your strengths and weaknesses? Why do you want this job?

But this time is different. I am no longer that self-assured professional I once was. Sitting there is a broken soul, displaced and lacking a sense of purpose… a deportee. Her inborn instinct for survival is the only catalyst left in her. A life of 20 years in the U.S. vanished the moment she was returned to a border town she had not seen since she crossed as a child. To start again after losing everything overnight.

Friends were my guardian angels as they came to the rescue. They are always there when you need them the most. But in certain situations, help can only go so far.

Those who had an acquaintance in Tijuana would help with making an introduction, explaining my situation and asking to assist me in finding a job. However, it seemed that out of politeness or respect for their friendship, their response of — Sure, I’ll help in whatever way I can — was a courtesy that translated into empty words.

But understandably, having lived a wave a violence that plagued the city with the recent War on Drugs, a possible concern of helping a deportee seemed valid. Factor in the belief that all of those deported must have committed some type of criminal offense made us be perceived as dangerous.

The best possible reaction I could have received from others is one of pity. I came to terms with my harsh reality. I was forced to live once again in the shadows, now of deportation and in my own country of nationality.

Suddenly, a tall man dressed in business casual attire steps into the lobby and introduces himself as the hiring manager. We walk through the call center area, full of cubicles where I could hear employees handling calls with English-speaking customers. We then arrive at his office.

As we begin the interview, I try to forget that I have been unemployed for six months so that I am able to relax and focus. He begins to glance at my resume, goes through the interview protocol, and seems to be impressed with my professional background. Then, as expected, comes THE question — “After being in the U.S. for so long, why are you back in Mexico?”

I now know better how to answer that question. Evading any detail, I camouflaged the deportation for a story about “choosing” to return. My answer was surprisingly nonchalant, conveyed with such ease that hid the shame I was feeling underneath. Midway through my interview, I realized that I was overqualified for this job. No college degree required. All you needed was the ability to speak English well. I convinced myself to take the job offer as it was the best I could do.

That is how my transition in Mexico began, with a life of denial, negating a past that could never be erased. A nine year-old girl does not choose to cross the border illegally. After living most of your life in a country that has become home, even with the hardships of unlawful presence, returning back to a place you have no connection to does not seem to be an option.

Nonetheless, I had to live with the consequences of choices that were not mine to make.

I lived an injustice that became invisible and insignificant to the broken U.S. immigration policies that have created a system of expulsion and to Mexican authorities and institutions that are negligent to the plight of returnees, whether they return voluntarily or through deportation.

The process of integration then becomes as complicated as living as an undocumented immigrant somewhere else. Over time, I have realized that those like me are a growing number and that we could not go any longer without exposing it.

In the same way as the new generation of Dreamers in the U.S. has led a movement to demand humane and comprehensive immigration reform, we returnees need to do the same back “home”. We need to ask that our countries of nationality stop a continued marginalization of an expelled community that instead, needs support in the process of integration.

Our stories need to be told and it is for this reason I am supporting two books that focus on the Dreamer experience. Last week during the presentation of Dreamers (Spanish Edition) by Eileen Truax, I was invited to talk about the book (released last month) which portrays my story of deportation.

It was a powerful moment as it was the first time I declared myself in public as a deportee here in Mexico. This in turn, encouraged another returnee in the audience to also share his story.

In front of my very own eyes, I saw what could be possible if our stories reached wider audiences. What if the thousands of returned Dreamers became visible?

This is the reason why I also became involved with the second book project, Los Otros Dreamers (The Other Dreamers). This book is about “young people between the ages of 10 and 32 years old [who] share what it is like to be rejected in one home only to feel homeless in another”. Los Otros Dreamers is currently seeking support through crowd-funding to print bilingual copies scheduled for release in 2014.

Although these two story projects have a life of their own and have emerged from different efforts, they both embody the same purpose: To share stories that serve as a testament to “the challenges as well as the resilience of this bilingual, bicultural generation”.

Both are significant contributions to an overlooked aspect of the U.S. immigration debate.

I invite you to stand in solidarity with us and support either (or both) of these efforts so that we can raise awareness of a community whose voices fall silent after crossing the border.

Eileen Truax decided to write Dreamers, the first of its kind in Spanish, to explain the issue of immigration through the immigrant experience. The nine featured stories comprise this work with the objective of shifting from a political angle to a personal perspective, so that we can see past the legislative bureaucracy and immigration laws to understand that the issue of Dreamers is one of human rights.

Dreamers, can be purchased electronically via Amazon. The hard copy is now available in bookstores in Mexico.

Los Otros Dreamers combines first-person testimony with full-color photographs, it is a powerful witness in word and image. We are asking for funding through donations and pre-selling the book on Kickstarter.com.

Even the funding model is an act of solidarity and visibility with young people that are ‘undocumented’ on both sides of the border. The campaign ends on June 30. Visit Los Otros Dreamers’ blog for more information.

Nancy Landa is a deported honors graduate and former student President of California State University, Northridge (CSUN). Nancy resides in Tijuana since her deportation in 2009 and has shared her story to highlight the need for comprehensive immigration reform in the U.S. You can follow Nancy on Facebook and Twitter or her blog at mundocitizen.com.

CTLatinoNews.com

Daniel Quiñones had not been in the United States for more than a couple of weeks before he faced the fear held by every young adult peddling a fake ID – a bouncer checked his license and turned him away from the bar. The only problem is that Quiñones is 23, well past the legal drinking age, and presented a license from Puerto Rico, which is valid form of identification, similar to an out-of state license.

The reported incident raises the question regarding a business’s responsibility to be able to serve patrons of all cultures and the importance of cultural sensitivity on the job.

Quiñones, formerly a student at Universidad de Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras in San Juan, had recently moved to the United States and was looking to have a fun night out with friends in Hartford. When he presented his license to enter the Pig’s Eye Pub, the bouncer allegedly told him that he needed another form of identification and asked to see his passport, which he did not have.

Quiñones recounted the incident, saying that after presenting his license, the bouncer said he did not recognize it, so he was unable to prove that it was real.

“I was last in line behind my friends and showed him my ID, it’s a valid Puerto Rican ID,” Quiñones explained.

Licenses from Puerto Rico, as well as from territories like American Samoa, Guam and the U.S. Virgin Islands, are in the same standing as an out-of-state license, according to the Department of Motor Vehicles.

More than anything, Quiñones said he was disappointed by the incident, especially since he had experienced no problems when he presented his license at the nearby club.

Without his passport on him, Quiñones had no choice but to leave with his friends and take their business elsewhere, rather than taking up the issue with the manager.

However, Joyce Bolaños, the mother of a friend Quiñones had gone out with that night, felt something needed to be said. When she called the manager of the bar to resolve the issue, she claimed she was met with more “ignorance…”

Finish reading Denied Puerto Rican License As ID — A Question of Civic Responsibilty?

LatinaLista — Barcelona is the second largest city in Spain after Madrid. It’s the capital of the region known as Catelonia and is home to many artistic and architectural wonders such as La Sagrada Familia Cathedral and Casa Batlló.

However, these days one place that rivals the port city’s traditional sights is the local soccer stadium where the city’s successful soccer club, FC Barcelona, plays to sell-out audiences. With so much happening in this city by the Mediterranean, it’s not surprising that Barcelona too falls into the category of a ‘city that never sleeps.’

Its distinct architecture, its maze of highways and non-stop traffic paint a picture of a city proud of its place in history but forging a new modern identity. Filmmaker Pau Garcia Laita wanted to showcase this side of Barcelona in a dramatic and visually appealing way. He decided to film the city at midnight using timelapse photography.

Taking more than 20,000 pictures for the project, Garcia Laita spent from November 2012 to April 2013 working through the night to capture the life of Barcelona that springs alive when the sun goes down.

MIDNIGHT BARCELONA from Pau García Laita on Vimeo.

LatinaLista — Two senators that have been major thorns in the sides of the Gang of Eight during these senate debates over immigration reform have been two men that hail from the same state — Texas.

Sen. John Cornyn and Sen. Ted Cruz have both been uncompromising in their attitudes and not shy about their disdain for a bill, when passed, will not only jeopardize each man’s political future but could make the GOP the minority party in the state.

That might explain Cruz’s purposeful disconnect with his fellow Latinos in the Lone Star State and Cornyn’s disingenuous attempts to mask his so-called support of the bill with what has been called out by observers as a ‘poison pill’ amendment.

In a rational world, the actions of these two senators would seem irrational. After all, Texas is a border state with the second highest undocumented population in the country. As of now, 38 percent of Texas’ population is Latino vs. 45 percent Anglo – that’s only a 7 percent difference. A gap that won’t take too long to bridge.

Texas is already classified as “majority-minority” with 55.5 percent of the state’s population comprised of people of color. In the latest U.S. Census analysis, three of the six counties that became majority-minority in 2012 were in Texas.

Not to mention that whites in the under-5 age group are expected to tip to a minority this year or next, according to the U.S. Census.

So why are Cornyn and Cruz refusing to accept, but more importantly, represent the majority of their constituents when it comes to immigration reform and other issues that have been documented as being very important to minority voters, like Obamacare?

The perception is that both men are only interested in representing a very narrow niche/ideology of select Texas voters. Voters with money who can command the kind of attention that 55.5 percent of the state’s population can’t. A niche that may not be around in its present ‘state’ come the next election.

Cornyn is due for re-election in 2014 and Cruz has his sights set on even higher office. Yet, whether these men believe it or not, their continued attacks and disingenuous tactics to prevent immigration reform from becoming a reality will not only be remembered by this generation and the new generation of Texas Latino voters, but may very well be the impetus needed to finally turn Texas Blue — and turn Cruz and Cornyn red with embarrassment for contributing to their party’s demise in Texas.

LatinaLista — They were officially known as the 65th Infantry Regiment. Yet to their families and friends they were the Borinqueneers — “the only Hispanic/Latino-segregated Active-Duty military unit in US history that played a prominent role in the American military, participating in three major wars (WWI, WWII, and the Korean War).”

The regiment was comprised mainly of Puerto Rican Americans, with a few soldiers of other Latino origin and even European American soldiers within the ranks. Among them, the group of soldiers racked up an impressive amount of medal distinction — 10 Distinguished Service Crosses, 258 Silver Stars, 628 Bronze Stars, more than 2700 Purple Hearts,

Yet, there is one medal that eludes this brave group of Latinos — the Congressional Gold Medal (CGM). Considered the highest honor bestowed on US citizens, the Borinqueneers, with all their courageous valor and medals to prove it, have been waiting on the sidelines all these years as their peers — the Navajo Codetalkers, Tuskeegee Airmen, Montfort Point Marines,etc. — each achieved the dream of being recognized in Washington with the Congressional Gold Medal.

Some in the Latino community believe the Borinqueneers shouldn’t have to wait any longer. As more and more soldiers from the regiment pass away, time is literally ticking for these men who instilled fear in their opponents on the battlefield for being known as not giving up a fight.

To help the Borinqueneers receive the distinction they so rightfully deserve, Frank Medina, an Iraq War Veteran and West Point graduate, launched the Borinqueneers Congressional Gold Medal Alliance in October 2012. The Alliance released the featured film to enlighten everyone about the accomplishments of the 65th Infantry Regiment and why they deserve the GCM.

In addition to the Alliance fighting on their behalf, the Boriqueneers received additional encouragement from the Infantry Regiment CGM Bill H.R.1726 which was co-introduced by the Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico, Representative Pedro Pierluisi, and Representative Bill Posey of Central-Eastern Florida.

Since the introduction of the bill, the quest to get this regiment recognized has taken on more intensity. Recently,the Alliance partnered with Xiomara Sosa, founder of You Are Strong!, a provider of information on health and human services to veterans, which will work together with the Alliance to “facilitate necessary resources to take the initiative further through the Congressional process.” (Disclaimer: You Are Strong! is a partner with Latina Lista in the National Hispanic Veterans Advocacy Network.)

According to a press release issued by the Alliance:

The 65th Infantry Regiment Congressional Gold Medal will bring Hispanic/Latino Veterans into the national spotlight where they deserve to be and will greatly promote the contributions of Hispanics/Latinos in U.S. history, thereby offsetting the negative, degrading images portrayed in public media outlets.

Representative Pedro Pierluisi and Representative Bill Posey co-introduced House of Representatives Bill H.R. 1726 on April 25th, 2013. The bill has accrued 43 Co-Sponsors so far as we aim to reach the needed 290 more in our mission to achieve the Congressional Gold Medal for the 65th Infantry Regiment, the historic Hispanic/Latino unit.

By Juan Miret
LatinaLista

Seeing Carlos Angon reminds one that today´s immigrants in Oklahoma have an incredible impact on the economic development and cultural diversity. He represents the new ´Okie´ face, a face that reflects both old traditions and new memories. He is part of the millennium generation, a group of extraordinary entrepreneurs and innovators that are changing Oklahoma … in this case, one bowtie at a time.

Oklahoma first felt the impact of Hispanic influence almost 500 years ago, when Spanish conquistadores came in search of legendary cities of gold. Today, Carlos is using art instead of a sword to make Oklahoma fancy, beautiful, prosperous and cosmopolitan.

Angon, 27, left Guadalajara, México, when he was just 3 years old. “My parents were looking for the American Dream,” he said while he described in full detail his neighborhood in Los Angeles, California. “I learned to be an artist in Swanson Avenue. Those streets inspired me to create, play music and do something bigger than dreaming: Dare to dream! Believe in your dreams and finally taste them.”

His passion for designing came from an early age. “Since I was a kid I was exposed to fashion or at least to needles and threads,” Angon said. “Tac-tac-tac-tac, a fascinating noise from my dad’s sewing machine.” That is because Angon’s father used to work at the Levi’s factory. “I started to modify my own clothes, so they could fit me better. I even used spray paint to make colorful patterns.”

The Angon family decided to move to a Tulsa, Oklahoma suburb nine years ago. “We settled in Owasso,” he said. “It was a fresh new start.”

Pursuing his passion for art and playing almost every single musical instrument ever invented, he found the love of his life on this side of the Midwest: Jessica Mae.

“We came from different backgrounds and at the same time we shared the same vision,” he said while holding Jessica’s hands and looking into her eyes. “This journey exists because of Jessica.”

Jessica Mae ‘irons’ out the creases before creating the latest fashion accessory taking the Midwest by the ‘collar.’

One day, and not exactly out-of-the-blue, bowties appeared in their lives. The reason was simple: ‘Corporate America’ was too rigid for Angon, so he wanted to add something to his wardrobe to portray his passion for creativity beyond his 9 to 5 grown-up gig. He was working as a web developer, a job as creative as a fashion designer. These days he still does it, but for his own business.

“Being average, being default is too easy. We all need to be more than original,” he said. “So bowties were that step, because they are unexpected.”

The bowties were the center of attention and soon, everyone started asking where he bought them. Once they found out that Carlos and Jessica were the masters behind that ornamental fabric, the dream was ready to become a reality.

“So we started making them but we need a piece to complete part of the puzzle,” he said. “How do we share them? How can the world know about this?” Those questions were answered by an edgy, never-done-before type of website.

They really hit the nail on the head … or even better, made the perfect knot in the bowtie, because their products have already arrived as far as Australia.

“We launched Month of Mae – that’s the name of the boutique – last August,” he explained with a huge grin on his face. “We had no idea, really, no idea about all this success. We started this as a game, just for fun. We still have a lot of fun, but we are very excited, really excited about the future. We can touch it.”

The sewing wheel is moving so fast, that the current shop – headquartered in one of the three bedrooms of their apartment – will soon be in a new and larger location. “We are even thinking of expanding our workforce,” he said. Looking at Jessica, he paused and laughed. “Yes, we will be able to hire someone else. That’s great.”

Angon remembered taking a sort of leap of faith, when it became a necessity to leave his former job. He was fighting for a dream and needed to follow that fire called passion.

“Passion is the key element. You need passion in all you do. Every single bowtie, every single website is like the first and the last one. It is not about perfection, but passion,” he said while describing the day he decided to start focusing 100 percent on his dream. “If you do not have passion in what you do, then discover your passion. At that point, you may start the creativity process.”

Carlos knows something big is coming; however, he still has his feet on the ground.

“I am just a kid. I was a little kid from the streets of L.A., now I am a kid from Tulsa,” and he added “if you want to be professional, pay attention to little details. If you want to be the best, really pay attention to little details. But if you want to be at the top, to be an innovator, then you have to feel each detail. Without careful details, there is no product. No success.”

And just in case you are asking, Carlos does have a motto: “The secret of success is to finish something. It does not matter if the final product is different than what you thought.”

(Photo Credit: All photos by Juan Miret)

By Miguel Pérez
Hidden Hispanic Heritage

Long before Guantanamo became synonymous with al-Qaida prisoners, American injustice and hunger strikes — yes, even before it became known as a high-security prison for suspected terrorists — it was a U.S. Naval Base with a long and fascinating history. It still is!

And long after the military prison is gone, the U.S. Naval Base is very likely to remain there, surrounding Guantanamo Bay, Cuba — still the oldest American outpost on foreign soil, and the only one in a communist country.

Those 45 square miles of land and water are so unique and awkward for an American military installation that you would think some occasional historical perspective is necessary.

Yet nowadays, we hear journalists and pundits talking about how Guantanamo “needs to be closed” — without clarifying that they are referring only to the military prison opened there in 2002, not the base established there in 1903. We see no efforts to put Guantanamo in proper historical context, no explanation for why the United States can hold enemy prisoners within the territory of another enemy.

Listening to some pundits, you could easily assume that Guantanamo was inexplicably imposed on Cuba after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and that U.S. Sailors and Marines have been there only for the past decade.

In the interest of clarity, you would think that some journalists would take the time or space to explain that Guantanamo has a history, and that it goes all the way back to the Spanish-American War near the end of the 19th century.

You would think that someone would remind us that for the past few decades, Guantanamo has served as an escape valve for Cubans who defy minefields and shark-infested bay waters to reach the base and win their freedom from communism. You would think that at least some pundits would remember recent history, especially the early 1990s, when Guantanamo housed tent-city detention centers for Cuban and Haitian refugees intercepted at sea while trying to reach Florida.

But nah, that would be going much more in-depth than today’s telegraphic news media allows.

Our news is so abbreviated and condensed, so well packaged into tiny sound bites, blog spaces and even tweets, that we seldom get the full picture. For example, we hear all about how U.S. Marines are guarding the prison, but practically nothing about their other responsibility: Guarding the base’s heavily mined perimeters with Cuba.

Most Americans know much more about the no-man’s-land between North and South Korea than the one surrounding the U.S. Naval Base at Guantanamo. Most don’t know that Guantanamo is surrounded by tall watchtowers, barbed-wire fences and minefields, or that instead of keeping prisoners in, those barriers were put there to keep the Cubans and Americans apart.

Some history: The Guantanamo Bay area, near the southeastern tip of Cuba, has been occupied by American forces since U.S. Marines landed there to fight the Spanish-American War in 1898. After winning the war, the U.S. Congress passed the Platt Amendment, giving the United States the legal right to intervene in Cuba’s internal affairs and to establish a base at Guantanamo.

When a Cuban Constituent Assembly was called in 1901, delegates were told that if they wanted the withdrawal of American troops from the rest of the island and political independence — with American supervision — they should accept the Platt Amendment. It was accepted by a one-vote margin, and the amendment became part of the Cuban Constitution.

Cuba was promised ultimate sovereignty over Guantanamo. But in 1903, the United States leased the 45-square-mile bay area from Cuba for 100 years at $2,000 per year. That lease could have expired in 2003. But when Congress abolished the Platt Amendment in 1934, the lease agreement was changed to $4,085 per year — with the stipulation that it would not expire until both countries agree to its termination.

However, since 1961, the year of the unsuccessful U.S.-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion, the Cuban government has not cashed the U.S. checks because it maintains that the 1934 agreement is illegal. In 1964, the Cubans shut off the water pipes to the base, forcing the United States to build its own desalination plant. But there has been no military conflict there.

The communist regime of Fidel and Raul Castro originally maintained that the lease had to expire after 100 years, dating from the 1898 Marine invasion. But 1998 came and went, and then some Cuban officials, continuing to ignore the 1934 agreement, said the United States would be forced to relinquish Guantanamo by 2003.

Of course, there was little chance that the U.S. government would give up Guantanamo as a gift to an antagonistic, communist regime. But before the Bush administration turned Guantanamo into a prison for al-Qaida suspects in 2002, some U.S. military officials had acknowledged that Guantanamo had become outdated and much less strategically significant to U.S. defense.

Although it was once considered an important training center for the U.S. Atlantic Fleet, the advent of long-range nuclear missiles and submarines had made Guantanamo nearly obsolete, until it was turned into a military prison for suspected Islamic enemy combatants captured abroad.

Yet for the people eastern Cuba, who live far from Havana’s beaches where Cuban rafters escape and sail for the Florida Keys, Guantanamo has been a gateway to freedom. And while crossing the 90-mile Florida Straits on a flimsy raft is a difficult and treacherous task, Cubans say getting into Guantanamo is like playing Russian Roulette with sharks or land mines — take your pick!

If you go by land, you have to do it in the dark of night, avoid being seen from the Cuban watchtowers, and you have to crawl on your hands and knees through coils of barbed wire in the biggest minefield in the Western world. For a distance of about two city blocks, in the no-man’s-land between the Cuban and U.S. fences, you have to avoid the mines and stay totally quiet as you feel the wires piercing your skin and shredding your clothes.

I have met many people who have done it.

No one knows how many Cubans have been killed while trying to make this journey, but we know that hundreds have been maimed and arrested by Cuban authorities after failed attempts to reach the base this way.

However, the other option is jumping in the water and swimming several miles along the Cuban coastline through shark-infested Guantanamo Bay.

Cubans say you have to be a terrific swimmer and a huge gambler to accomplish this feat. “We didn’t want anything to do with the mines,” one successful swimmer told me shortly after he and his buddy were pulled out of the water by U.S. Marines in 1994. “So we decided to take our chances with the sharks.”

Marines told me that while Cubans trying to reach the base by land are making an illegal entry and cannot be rescued from the no-man’s-land between the two fences, swimmers are covered by international search-and-rescue laws and are routinely fished out of the water.

Nevertheless, whether through sharks or land mines, every year for several decades, hundreds of Cubans managed to reach the base and then a flight to Florida. Under the lease agreement with the Cuban government, Cuba is entitled to claim fugitives who escape to the base. But since the Castro regime has never recognized the agreement as valid, Cuba has never claimed anyone.

The last time I visited Guantanamo, in 1994, thousand of Cubans and Haitians were being detained in tent cities under deplorable conditions. One Cuban camp had 12 latrines for 900 men, women and children. “Libertad! Libertad! Libertad!” they chanted when they saw visiting journalists.

The Clinton administration had overturned the 28-year U.S. policy of granting political asylum to Cubans intercepted at sea, and as a result, some 29,000 Cuban rafters were stopped on their way to Florida and sent to Guantanamo. It was the first time refugees from a communist country were denied an opportunity to apply for political asylum after reaching U.S. authorities. It was disgraceful.

Of course, the Cubans I met there were frustrated and terribly disappointed. Their lives had been put on standby — indefinitely! Their only crime had been risking their lives for freedom, and an American president with an appalling lack of compassion had shattered their American Dream.

By forcing them to live in degrading refugee camps, the Clinton administration wanted the Cubans to cave in and return home. But the Cubans would not budge. Only 1,200 were repatriated, and not all voluntarily. It took the U.S. government almost a year to realize the Cubans preferred living in tent cities, behind barbed wire fences, than returning to live under the Castro dictatorship.

When that chapter of Guantanamo’s history finally was closed in 1996, after some refugees had spent 18 months in detention, the United States had spent $250 million (including the cost of detaining Haitians) for unnecessarily holding thousand of people who eventually were allowed to come to the U.S. mainland anyway.

Yet now that President Obama is on a new campaign to convince Congress to transfer the remaining Guantanamo prisoners elsewhere, now that Guantanamo is on everyone’s agenda again, can we expect journalists and political pundits to give us at least a little historical perspective?

To Cuban-Americans, including many who regained their freedom there, Guantanamo means much more than a prison for al-Qaida suspects. We find it disturbing to see so much history ignored. And we also find it terribly ironic that many liberal Americans and international human rights activists are much more concerned for the current Guantanamo prisoners than they have been for the thousands of Cubans who have languished in Castro’s gulags over the past half-century.

Talk to former Cuban political prisoners. They will tell you that human rights should not be violated in Guantanamo or anywhere else in Cuba. But they will also tell you that compared to Castro’s dungeons, where many have been shot by firing squads, tortured or forced to endure decades of degradation and atrocities, the Guantanamo prison for al-Qaida is a luxury hotel. They will tell you how they feel when they see bleeding hearts crying out for Guantanamo terrorism suspects and ignoring the atrocities against peaceful dissidents throughout Cuba.

I have been to Guantanamo twice, and there is still so much more to tell. But you get my point, don’t you? Guantanamo has a history, and seeing people ignore it is not only poor journalism but terribly irritating.

To see more articles in Miguel Perez’s “Hidden Hispanic Heritage” series, go to: http://www.hiddenhispanicheritage.com/.

By Edy Bestle
LatinaLista

(LL Editor’s Note: News outlets have been reporting over the rising protests, the biggest in 20 years, to hit Brazil. The following piece provides insight into the unrest that a country making preparations to host the 2016 Olympics and currently hosting the FIFA Confederation Cup is facing from its own people who are demanding a better quality of life.)

There have been more than 200 demonstrations in Sao Paulo this year. Two thousand last year. In none of those demonstrations were there serious problems with police. As in the last demonstration that took place in this city, the others were peaceful. But this time, it was joined by more than 250,000 people in Sao Paulo and other capitals of Brazil, as well as, in other countries supporting this national cry.

Since last Thursday, June 13th, there has been a demonstration every evening in Brazilian cities — and the huge number of people participating is definitely commanding the world’s attention.

And it is about time that the world is aware of what is going on here, below the Equator Line, as we say.

The population, in general, is quite unhappy with government decisions, and we have been complaining a lot but as lonely voices.

These series of demonstrations exploded last Thursday because of an increase of R$0.20 in cost to ride public transportation. In reality, the R$0.20 represents less than a dime, but it’s more than 6.7 percent increase. Considering that the minumum wage is approximatelly US$322.00, the impact of these twenty cents gets clear.

Prior to our election, politicians promised free transportation, large investiments in health, education and security. Contrary to those promises, public health was cast aside, education is nonexistent, and we are far from being safe.

The huge investments in soccer stadiums is an outrage!

A high number of people are NOT for the soccer competitions that are taking place now and next year here in Brazil. And we believe that the high sums of money spent on those arenas could be better used to benefit all people.

The protests were organized by young people, basically, with no interferance of any political party. They used their social networks, especially Facebook, to set the date, time and meeting points for the demonstrations.

All of this outrage stems from the diversion of funds — a critical issue in a country plagued with corruption, lying, dishonesty and embezzlement. Words that describe the order of business in Brasilia, the capital of Brazil, where the politicians ‘are’…instead of working for the good of the people.

The video is of protesters in a Sao Paulo subway station singing the country’s national anthem.

Edy Bestle is an entrepreneur who resides in Sao Paulo, Brazil.

By Evan Bell
Cronkite News Service

WASHINGTON – Voting and civil rights groups cheered a decision by the Supreme Court Monday that struck down an Arizona law requiring proof of citizenship for voting.

The court’s 7-2 ruling said Arizona’s voter-approved Proposition 200, which required proof of citizenship for voter registration, was trumped by the federal “motor voter” law that only requires a potential voter to swear to their citizenship.

Justice Samuel Alito, in one of two dissenting opinions, said the court’s ruling “seriously undermines” the state’s interest in preserving the integrity of elections.

And Arizona Secretary of State Ken Bennett said late Monday that the state is not about to give up the fight, saying the state would pursue appeals with the Election Assistance Commission and the courts.

But Proposition 200 opponents think it is too late for the state, now that the Supreme Court has ruled on the case.

“We don’t think it’s going to be successful,” said Nina Perales, a lawyer for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, of Bennett’s plan.

In a conference call after Monday’s ruling, League of Women Voters spokeswoman Elisabeth MacNamara said simply: “State restrictions lost. Voters won.”

The case, Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, stems from challenges to Proposition 200, which was approved by voters in 2004. Opponents argued that the additional requirements to show proof of citizenship for mail-in voter registration forms exceeded federal registration law.

The federal form only asks voters to pledge that they are citizens and sign a form attesting to that.

The Supreme Court agreed with a lower court that the federal form created by the National Voter Registration Act – also known as the “motor voter” law – trumps the state form for federal elections, making Arizona’s extra requirements invalid.

“We and fellow plaintiffs won an eight-year battle to protect the most basic right (to vote) necessary for a government of, by and for the people,” Sam Wercinski, executive director of the Arizona Advocacy Network, said in a statement.

In his opinion for the court, Justice Antonin Scalia wrote that that the “fairest reading” of the motor voter law is that a “state-imposed requirement of evidence of citizenship not required by the federal form is ‘inconsistent with’ the NVRA’s mandate that states ‘accept and use’ the federal form.”

But the court also said that Arizona can ask the federal Election Assistance Commission to include state-specific instructions on the federal form – in this case, proof of citizenship. If that request is rejected, the state could then go back to court to challenge that decision, Scalia wrote.

The commission deadlocked on such a request from the state in 2005, but Bennett said the state will try again.

“We plan to renew our request of the Election Assistance Commission to include information necessary to determine eligibility on the federal form as suggested by Justice Scalia,” Bennett said in a statement. “If the commission once again refuses, we plan to pursue further litigation under the Administrative Procedure Act to include this information to determine eligibility.”

But dissenting justices Alito and Clarence Thomas noted that the EAC is a “shell,” with no sitting commissioners and none on the horizon.

They both argued that the majority gave too much weight to the Elections Clause provision that lets Congress pre-empt state law on the “times, places, and manners” of federal elections. They also said that Arizona does “accept and use” the federal registration form, as required, but that does not mean the state can’t ask for additional documentation.

The NVRA “permits Arizona to require applicants for federal voter registration to provide proof of eligibility,” Alito wrote.
Bennett said the state should be allowed that authority.

“Election integrity starts with voter registration,” his statement said. “We strongly believe citizenship is the foundation from which eligibility is derived and we will continue to look for ways to ensure only eligible citizens are casting ballots in our elections.”

But an official with the Inter Tribal Council of Arizona said it is important to provide voting access.

“Overall, I think it is a very good decision,” said John Lewis, the ITCA executive director. “It provides opportunities and protections for tribes members to have access to voting.”

(Photo Credit: Cronkite NewsWatch)